Gunnlaugur Magnússon's Avatar

Gunnlaugur Magnússon

@pragmarxist.bsky.social

Icelander in self-appointed exile. Associate Professor, Uppsala University. Editor Nordic Journal of Studies in Educational Policy. Publisher/editor https://skolaochsamhalle.wordpress.com Member of @iterc.bsky.social More at pragmarxist.com

1,198 Followers  |  767 Following  |  2,342 Posts  |  Joined: 05.09.2024  |  2.276

Latest posts by pragmarxist.bsky.social on Bluesky

Do it! Var en sensation i varje tugga

18.10.2025 19:10 — 👍 1    🔁 0    💬 0    📌 0

Ok, hear me out. Jag vet att pizza blanco med päron, fetaost, rejäl dos parmesan, lite honung och valnötter endast kan anses revolutionärt gott 2007. Men lägg till rökig flingsalt, fermenterade sojabönor i chilliolja samt granatäppelsirap … good lord

18.10.2025 18:11 — 👍 6    🔁 1    💬 1    📌 0
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En hel del i 1850-talets skolkritik går att känna igen även i dagens skolkritik:

17.10.2025 15:06 — 👍 3    🔁 3    💬 1    📌 0

Det här kan inte bara förklaras med ideologi. Tyvärr tror jag att många av våra politiker är lite korkade. De förstår helt enkelt inte att en årlig minskning med 1-2% får enorma konsekvenser på sikt.

18.10.2025 07:29 — 👍 52    🔁 26    💬 5    📌 5

Så de senaste åren har jag kompletterat samlingen med skivor jag ”saknat” eller inte hade råd med när jag var pank student, jag har bytt ut rippade skivor mot original och jag har köpt album med band som jag egentligen inte förstod när de kom ut men som jag gärna samlar nu. Svinbra ju

18.10.2025 09:24 — 👍 4    🔁 0    💬 0    📌 0

Jag är ingen audiofil (har varken tålamod eller pengar till det) men jag köper både vinyl och CD - det är mest olika typer av band och musik som styr formatet. Och för en samlare är det ju en guldålder med CD, de flesta skivaffärer har högar med skivor för 10-20 kr styck.

18.10.2025 09:24 — 👍 4    🔁 0    💬 1    📌 0

Igår på kvällen när jag satt i vardagsrummet med en Old Fashioned och omorganiserade delar av skivsamlingen påbörjade jag en fin liten tråd om CD-skivor (samtidigt som jag lyssnade på dom). Men sen uppdaterade bluesky sig och allt raderades - men jag ville bara berätta vad ni missat.

18.10.2025 09:19 — 👍 7    🔁 0    💬 1    📌 0

Good definition, but when in doubt, we can always ask @artdecider.bsky.social

17.10.2025 18:09 — 👍 1    🔁 0    💬 1    📌 0

Vatten är tydligen vått.

17.10.2025 17:55 — 👍 7    🔁 2    💬 0    📌 0

Dr. G. (Läses Doctor Gee - G står för gangsta)

17.10.2025 17:00 — 👍 2    🔁 0    💬 1    📌 0
The sixth and seventh chapters, however, depart from this methodology. Here, the focus of the discussion is 
on antisemitism as an example of how higher education policies – under the heading of inclusion – have failed to actually enact inclusion in higher education institutions given how Jewish students and staff have experienced antisemitism. In a sense, this follows previous criticisms towards inclusive policies and their sometimes-counterintuitive results (e.g. Lindblad & Popkewitz, 2004). However, Mintz argues that the atrocities committed by Hamas in Israel on 7 October 2023 were a trigger-point, releasing a wave of antisemitism that had been previously dormant, or at least less outspoken than after the attacks. The problems I have with these two chapters are threefold. First of all, Mintz abandons his methodological carefulness considering arguments and positions from their best interpretation; primarily, DEI-policies and post-colonial theories are given very rudimentary and simplified explanations and are alluded to as culprits in-and-of-themselves. Second, there is a tendency to over-generalise about higher education institutions, and their antisemitic actions. I could mention my own University’s strict adherence to the Swedish government’s decree that no institution should challenge the government’s foreign policy, including its support of Israel. This policy has led to locking the doors to both administrative and teaching facilities during peaceful demonstrations against the genocide in Gaza. This lock-down has not only flown in the face of the idea of higher education as a place for open exchange of ideas and debate, or institutions open to the public, but also locked out the university’s own students and staff from their own working-facilities when peacefully protesting government politics, essentially incarcerating other staff and students within the physical boundaries of these politics – the university buildings.

The sixth and seventh chapters, however, depart from this methodology. Here, the focus of the discussion is on antisemitism as an example of how higher education policies – under the heading of inclusion – have failed to actually enact inclusion in higher education institutions given how Jewish students and staff have experienced antisemitism. In a sense, this follows previous criticisms towards inclusive policies and their sometimes-counterintuitive results (e.g. Lindblad & Popkewitz, 2004). However, Mintz argues that the atrocities committed by Hamas in Israel on 7 October 2023 were a trigger-point, releasing a wave of antisemitism that had been previously dormant, or at least less outspoken than after the attacks. The problems I have with these two chapters are threefold. First of all, Mintz abandons his methodological carefulness considering arguments and positions from their best interpretation; primarily, DEI-policies and post-colonial theories are given very rudimentary and simplified explanations and are alluded to as culprits in-and-of-themselves. Second, there is a tendency to over-generalise about higher education institutions, and their antisemitic actions. I could mention my own University’s strict adherence to the Swedish government’s decree that no institution should challenge the government’s foreign policy, including its support of Israel. This policy has led to locking the doors to both administrative and teaching facilities during peaceful demonstrations against the genocide in Gaza. This lock-down has not only flown in the face of the idea of higher education as a place for open exchange of ideas and debate, or institutions open to the public, but also locked out the university’s own students and staff from their own working-facilities when peacefully protesting government politics, essentially incarcerating other staff and students within the physical boundaries of these politics – the university buildings.

the events of October 7th are treated in isolation from what has since followed, 
including the tens of thousands civilian Palestinian deaths, and the complete erasure of educational institutions in Gaza. It seems counterintuitive that a book on inclusion, addressing how certain groups are excluded from higher education per definition despite (or, as Mintz argues, due to) postcolonial theories and inclusive policies, never mentions either one of these facts or the words Palestine or Palestinians. This coincides with an ahistorical description of the state of Israel:

‘When the Jews had the audacity to aim, for themselves, to solve the conundrum of their own continued oppression as the “Other” by creating their own nation state, particularly one which strived for liberal democracy, it was not surprising that this too became the locus for these virulent fetishistic attacks’. (p. 118)

This feeds into the very conspiracy theories Mintz wants to reveal as underlying the limitations of inclusion in higher education. First, there is the unfortunate conflation of the state of Israel with Judaism and Jews in general, which amplifies antisemitic ideas that all Jews are, if not responsible, complicit in the actions of Israel as a nation state. Second, it is ironic that this quote is in a chapter critical of post-colonial theory, given how it represents colonial history. 
After all, Israel did not emerge from thin air, but was established in colonised lands. Third, the quote expresses a counterintuitive idea of what ‘liberal-democracy’ means in the light of Mintz’ precious descriptions of liberalism and in the light of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians being 
labelled apartheid by serious international organisations.
The above reasoning is not a refutation of the problems of antisemitism in higher education or society in general. Antisemitism is, as racist ideologies, built into the structural fabric of our societies and must be battled everywhere it ‘rears its ugly head’

the events of October 7th are treated in isolation from what has since followed, including the tens of thousands civilian Palestinian deaths, and the complete erasure of educational institutions in Gaza. It seems counterintuitive that a book on inclusion, addressing how certain groups are excluded from higher education per definition despite (or, as Mintz argues, due to) postcolonial theories and inclusive policies, never mentions either one of these facts or the words Palestine or Palestinians. This coincides with an ahistorical description of the state of Israel: ‘When the Jews had the audacity to aim, for themselves, to solve the conundrum of their own continued oppression as the “Other” by creating their own nation state, particularly one which strived for liberal democracy, it was not surprising that this too became the locus for these virulent fetishistic attacks’. (p. 118) This feeds into the very conspiracy theories Mintz wants to reveal as underlying the limitations of inclusion in higher education. First, there is the unfortunate conflation of the state of Israel with Judaism and Jews in general, which amplifies antisemitic ideas that all Jews are, if not responsible, complicit in the actions of Israel as a nation state. Second, it is ironic that this quote is in a chapter critical of post-colonial theory, given how it represents colonial history. After all, Israel did not emerge from thin air, but was established in colonised lands. Third, the quote expresses a counterintuitive idea of what ‘liberal-democracy’ means in the light of Mintz’ precious descriptions of liberalism and in the light of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians being labelled apartheid by serious international organisations. The above reasoning is not a refutation of the problems of antisemitism in higher education or society in general. Antisemitism is, as racist ideologies, built into the structural fabric of our societies and must be battled everywhere it ‘rears its ugly head’

A review of Joseph Mintz’s Liberal Perspectives on Inclusive Education is out. I really want to emphasise the following critique I had as relates to the atrocities of oct. 7th 2023 and the ensuing and ongoing genocide in Gaza. www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

17.10.2025 09:59 — 👍 4    🔁 1    💬 1    📌 0

Romina Pourmokhtari väntar tydligen barn. Hon tackar tidigare ministrar som visat att man kan bli förälder och samtidigt vara minister.

Ingen annan verkar dock vara orolig. Det finns ju inte direkt nåt klimatarbete som kan falla ihop.

17.10.2025 14:03 — 👍 13    🔁 4    💬 2    📌 0

Åkej har rykt ihop med två politiker den här veckan om "AI"-verktyg det börjar bli dags att trycka upp pins eller brodera en väst eller skriva en debattartikel

VÅGA VÄGRA GEN-AI

17.10.2025 11:09 — 👍 9    🔁 3    💬 0    📌 0

Det var exakt så som set infördes i England. Man introducerade låga terminsavgifter som sedan mångdubblades på några år.

17.10.2025 10:51 — 👍 2    🔁 0    💬 0    📌 0
Preview
Anders Burman, Joakim Landahl & Anna Larsson: Pedagogikens århundrade är inte en debattbok om förlorad guldålder I veckan publicerade vi en recension av den nya boken Pedagogikens århundrade. I dagens inlägg ger bokens författare en respons på recensionen. (red.) Susanne Dodillet och Sverker Lundin har läst v…

Svar på debattinlägg om vår bok Pedagogikens århundrade. skolaochsamhalle.wordpress.com/2025/10/16/a...

16.10.2025 10:35 — 👍 2    🔁 1    💬 0    📌 0

Mintz’ book is a good read and thoroughly well conducted in its first five chapters. Then it goes off the rails in my opinion, which is unfortunate because a serious discussion on these matters would have been worth a lot.

17.10.2025 09:59 — 👍 0    🔁 0    💬 0    📌 0

It is an interesting way to conduct a book review, where three researchers (including myself) wrote reviews and then Mintz added a response to the end of it. I’ve been done this before (in 2024h and as I enjoy writing book reviews, I find this fun, but I am unsure of its qualities.

17.10.2025 09:59 — 👍 0    🔁 0    💬 1    📌 0
The sixth and seventh chapters, however, depart from this methodology. Here, the focus of the discussion is 
on antisemitism as an example of how higher education policies – under the heading of inclusion – have failed to actually enact inclusion in higher education institutions given how Jewish students and staff have experienced antisemitism. In a sense, this follows previous criticisms towards inclusive policies and their sometimes-counterintuitive results (e.g. Lindblad & Popkewitz, 2004). However, Mintz argues that the atrocities committed by Hamas in Israel on 7 October 2023 were a trigger-point, releasing a wave of antisemitism that had been previously dormant, or at least less outspoken than after the attacks. The problems I have with these two chapters are threefold. First of all, Mintz abandons his methodological carefulness considering arguments and positions from their best interpretation; primarily, DEI-policies and post-colonial theories are given very rudimentary and simplified explanations and are alluded to as culprits in-and-of-themselves. Second, there is a tendency to over-generalise about higher education institutions, and their antisemitic actions. I could mention my own University’s strict adherence to the Swedish government’s decree that no institution should challenge the government’s foreign policy, including its support of Israel. This policy has led to locking the doors to both administrative and teaching facilities during peaceful demonstrations against the genocide in Gaza. This lock-down has not only flown in the face of the idea of higher education as a place for open exchange of ideas and debate, or institutions open to the public, but also locked out the university’s own students and staff from their own working-facilities when peacefully protesting government politics, essentially incarcerating other staff and students within the physical boundaries of these politics – the university buildings.

The sixth and seventh chapters, however, depart from this methodology. Here, the focus of the discussion is on antisemitism as an example of how higher education policies – under the heading of inclusion – have failed to actually enact inclusion in higher education institutions given how Jewish students and staff have experienced antisemitism. In a sense, this follows previous criticisms towards inclusive policies and their sometimes-counterintuitive results (e.g. Lindblad & Popkewitz, 2004). However, Mintz argues that the atrocities committed by Hamas in Israel on 7 October 2023 were a trigger-point, releasing a wave of antisemitism that had been previously dormant, or at least less outspoken than after the attacks. The problems I have with these two chapters are threefold. First of all, Mintz abandons his methodological carefulness considering arguments and positions from their best interpretation; primarily, DEI-policies and post-colonial theories are given very rudimentary and simplified explanations and are alluded to as culprits in-and-of-themselves. Second, there is a tendency to over-generalise about higher education institutions, and their antisemitic actions. I could mention my own University’s strict adherence to the Swedish government’s decree that no institution should challenge the government’s foreign policy, including its support of Israel. This policy has led to locking the doors to both administrative and teaching facilities during peaceful demonstrations against the genocide in Gaza. This lock-down has not only flown in the face of the idea of higher education as a place for open exchange of ideas and debate, or institutions open to the public, but also locked out the university’s own students and staff from their own working-facilities when peacefully protesting government politics, essentially incarcerating other staff and students within the physical boundaries of these politics – the university buildings.

the events of October 7th are treated in isolation from what has since followed, 
including the tens of thousands civilian Palestinian deaths, and the complete erasure of educational institutions in Gaza. It seems counterintuitive that a book on inclusion, addressing how certain groups are excluded from higher education per definition despite (or, as Mintz argues, due to) postcolonial theories and inclusive policies, never mentions either one of these facts or the words Palestine or Palestinians. This coincides with an ahistorical description of the state of Israel:

‘When the Jews had the audacity to aim, for themselves, to solve the conundrum of their own continued oppression as the “Other” by creating their own nation state, particularly one which strived for liberal democracy, it was not surprising that this too became the locus for these virulent fetishistic attacks’. (p. 118)

This feeds into the very conspiracy theories Mintz wants to reveal as underlying the limitations of inclusion in higher education. First, there is the unfortunate conflation of the state of Israel with Judaism and Jews in general, which amplifies antisemitic ideas that all Jews are, if not responsible, complicit in the actions of Israel as a nation state. Second, it is ironic that this quote is in a chapter critical of post-colonial theory, given how it represents colonial history. 
After all, Israel did not emerge from thin air, but was established in colonised lands. Third, the quote expresses a counterintuitive idea of what ‘liberal-democracy’ means in the light of Mintz’ precious descriptions of liberalism and in the light of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians being 
labelled apartheid by serious international organisations.
The above reasoning is not a refutation of the problems of antisemitism in higher education or society in general. Antisemitism is, as racist ideologies, built into the structural fabric of our societies and must be battled everywhere it ‘rears its ugly head’

the events of October 7th are treated in isolation from what has since followed, including the tens of thousands civilian Palestinian deaths, and the complete erasure of educational institutions in Gaza. It seems counterintuitive that a book on inclusion, addressing how certain groups are excluded from higher education per definition despite (or, as Mintz argues, due to) postcolonial theories and inclusive policies, never mentions either one of these facts or the words Palestine or Palestinians. This coincides with an ahistorical description of the state of Israel: ‘When the Jews had the audacity to aim, for themselves, to solve the conundrum of their own continued oppression as the “Other” by creating their own nation state, particularly one which strived for liberal democracy, it was not surprising that this too became the locus for these virulent fetishistic attacks’. (p. 118) This feeds into the very conspiracy theories Mintz wants to reveal as underlying the limitations of inclusion in higher education. First, there is the unfortunate conflation of the state of Israel with Judaism and Jews in general, which amplifies antisemitic ideas that all Jews are, if not responsible, complicit in the actions of Israel as a nation state. Second, it is ironic that this quote is in a chapter critical of post-colonial theory, given how it represents colonial history. After all, Israel did not emerge from thin air, but was established in colonised lands. Third, the quote expresses a counterintuitive idea of what ‘liberal-democracy’ means in the light of Mintz’ precious descriptions of liberalism and in the light of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians being labelled apartheid by serious international organisations. The above reasoning is not a refutation of the problems of antisemitism in higher education or society in general. Antisemitism is, as racist ideologies, built into the structural fabric of our societies and must be battled everywhere it ‘rears its ugly head’

A review of Joseph Mintz’s Liberal Perspectives on Inclusive Education is out. I really want to emphasise the following critique I had as relates to the atrocities of oct. 7th 2023 and the ensuing and ongoing genocide in Gaza. www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

17.10.2025 09:59 — 👍 4    🔁 1    💬 1    📌 0

Hvernig stendur á því að Íslendingar eru með ALLT sitt á einum stað á netinu?

Persónuupplýsingar, launamál, menntun, reikningar, heilsuupplýsingar, eignastaða, dómskerfismál?

Allur almenningur er einum hakkara eða forritara sem reiddi sig um of á gervigreindina frá að ALLT leki á netið!

17.10.2025 09:27 — 👍 2    🔁 0    💬 0    📌 0
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Samtidigt har Sverige massarbetslöshet, tillväxten sackar efter andra länder och klassklyftorna växer…
Läs detta!👇🏼
www.dn.se/kultur/johan...

17.10.2025 06:18 — 👍 53    🔁 25    💬 2    📌 2

Mind you, there's an argument to be made that, if your government is dependent on Nazi votes to survive, it's effectively a Nazi government

15.10.2025 13:27 — 👍 37    🔁 6    💬 2    📌 2

❤️

16.10.2025 19:22 — 👍 1    🔁 0    💬 0    📌 0
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Saker politiker tycker man ska få hjälp med vs sak man inte ska få hjälp med

16.10.2025 15:21 — 👍 41    🔁 22    💬 3    📌 2

Här är en intervju om inkludering i Flamman med mig och Anette Bagger - check it out!

16.10.2025 18:38 — 👍 13    🔁 3    💬 1    📌 0

Jag vet inte om det säger något om mitt slukande av 90-tals gangsta rapp på sistone men alldeles nyss kallade jag en automatisk dörr för en bitch ass motherfucker när den inte öppnades fort nog

16.10.2025 18:02 — 👍 14    🔁 0    💬 1    📌 0
Preview
DEBATT: Att politiken sitter i skollobbyns knä har aldrig visats upp tydligare När statsminister Ulf Kristersson (M) läste upp regeringsförklaringen och meddelade att Lotta Edholm (L) blir ny skolminister hördes nog en lättnadens suck från landets skolägare. Nu har koncernägarna...

1. Läs dagens artikel i DN om att statsministerns fru sitter i en friskolestyrelse som nu bjuder in till möte om skolan i Sagerska huset.

2. Läs den här texten i GP där Åsa och jag ger en hyfsat komplett bild av nätverken som skyddar friskolorna (främst de vinstdrivande). www.gp.se/debatt/att-p...

16.10.2025 14:51 — 👍 159    🔁 88    💬 1    📌 5

”Lärarna vill inte ha det här systemet. Väljarna vill inte ha det här systemet. Systemet lever endast vidare tack vare intensivt lobbyarbete.”
Hur länge till ska svindleriet pågå?

16.10.2025 15:56 — 👍 54    🔁 26    💬 1    📌 2

@pragmarxist.bsky.social:
— Ett marknadsskolesystem kommer att placera elever med extra behov i det vanliga klassrummet, utan att ge dem det stöd de behöver. Sedan kommer man fortsätta spara på skolan. Och när resultaten blir sämre är det de här eleverna man kommer beskylla för resultatnedgången.

16.10.2025 10:54 — 👍 15    🔁 7    💬 1    📌 0
Hyllor med albumen Horses, Radio Ethiopia och Wave av Patti Smith samt Farewell Songs, Pearl och Anthology med Janis Joplin

Hyllor med albumen Horses, Radio Ethiopia och Wave av Patti Smith samt Farewell Songs, Pearl och Anthology med Janis Joplin

Dagens jobbmusik

16.10.2025 09:44 — 👍 10    🔁 0    💬 1    📌 0

Stabil som ett museum för olika färgnyanser av betong

15.10.2025 15:47 — 👍 2    🔁 0    💬 0    📌 0

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