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Colleen

@cotu.bsky.social

Woman, Lawyer, FDA stuff, Engineer, Intellectual Explorer... Happy, Joyous, Free

343 Followers  |  2,222 Following  |  239 Posts  |  Joined: 05.10.2023  |  1.8741

Latest posts by cotu.bsky.social on Bluesky

THROW. MORE. SANDWICHES.

(for those that can afford it)

06.11.2025 21:10 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 3    ๐Ÿ” 2    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 0    ๐Ÿ“Œ 0
Preview
Maine Rejects Anti-Voting Ballot Measure, Reaffirms Voting Access Read more here.

๐ŸšจBREAKING: Maine voters rejected a Republican-backed ballot initiative Tuesday that would have imposed new photo ID rules and severely limited mail-in voting โ€” a decisive win for voting rights advocates who said the measure threatened to upend the stateโ€™s tradition of accessible elections.

05.11.2025 03:04 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 5544    ๐Ÿ” 1199    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 61    ๐Ÿ“Œ 50
Totals by Candidate
11
Zohran Kwame Mamdani
1012850
50.32%
12
Curtis A. Sliwa
144123
7.16% |
13
Irene Estrada
2575
0.13% |
14
Eric L. Adams
6182
0.31%|
15
Joseph Hernandez
1228
0.06%
16
Andrew M. Cuomo
837398
41.61%
17
Jim Walden
2128
0.11% |
18
WRITE-IN
6163
0.31% |


2012647

Totals by Candidate 11 Zohran Kwame Mamdani 1012850 50.32% 12 Curtis A. Sliwa 144123 7.16% | 13 Irene Estrada 2575 0.13% | 14 Eric L. Adams 6182 0.31%| 15 Joseph Hernandez 1228 0.06% 16 Andrew M. Cuomo 837398 41.61% 17 Jim Walden 2128 0.11% | 18 WRITE-IN 6163 0.31% | 2012647

Mamdani cracks 1M votes, the first NYC mayor to do so since John Lindsay in 1969

05.11.2025 03:21 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 16164    ๐Ÿ” 2925    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 47    ๐Ÿ“Œ 229

whoop whoop for VA!

05.11.2025 02:34 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 1    ๐Ÿ” 2    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 0    ๐Ÿ“Œ 0
Preview
NYC Mayor Election 2025 Live Results: Mamdani, Cuomo, Sliwa See live results from the 2025 New York City mayoral election. Track vote counts and updates as polls close on Election Day.

Zohran Mamdani wins the New York City mayoral race, NBC News projects. nbcnews.to/4nIzNUC

05.11.2025 02:35 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 159    ๐Ÿ” 13    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 8    ๐Ÿ“Œ 3

To understand what was at stake here: in VA, the AG gets to appoint university counsel. From Jim Ryanโ€™s forced resignation to the (mercifully) reject โ€œCompactโ€ to the odious and bizarre โ€œsettlement,โ€ UVA has been hamstrung by counsel chosen by the stateโ€™s GOP administration. Thatโ€™s about to change.

05.11.2025 01:52 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 673    ๐Ÿ” 156    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 5    ๐Ÿ“Œ 9

F. Scott Fitzgerald: In my book I invented Gatsby lifestyle as a cautionary tale

The president: At long last, we have created the Gatsby lifestyle from the classic novel The Great Gatsby

01.11.2025 04:48 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 12356    ๐Ÿ” 2567    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 227    ๐Ÿ“Œ 124
Preview
More Than 170 U.S. Citizens Have Been Held by Immigration Agents. Theyโ€™ve Been Kicked, Dragged and Detained for Days. The government does not track how often immigration agents grab citizens. So ProPublica did. Our tally โ€” almost certainly incomplete โ€” includes people who were held for days without a lawyer. And near...

Americans have been dragged, tackled, beaten, tased and shot by immigration agents.

Theyโ€™ve had their necks kneeled on.

Theyโ€™ve been held outside in the rain while in their underwear.

At least three citizens were pregnant when agents detained them.

01.11.2025 03:00 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 2214    ๐Ÿ” 1312    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 52    ๐Ÿ“Œ 64

Lmao literally having a "we're rich" party while they cut SNAP is like cartoon level evil it's like the villain in a Dr. Seuss book

01.11.2025 03:21 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 4291    ๐Ÿ” 1103    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 120    ๐Ÿ“Œ 28

Am I reading this correctly: the firms that opposed Trump's intimidation tactics have suffered no consequences, whereas the firms that struck deals gave away $900 million while jeopardizing any work with clients who have interests at odds with the government?

There's a lesson in there somewhere.

29.10.2025 00:44 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 1496    ๐Ÿ” 490    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 30    ๐Ÿ“Œ 21
Post image 25.10.2025 12:47 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 3817    ๐Ÿ” 2047    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 105    ๐Ÿ“Œ 85

Our military is being paid by an anonymous donor.

Our WH East Wing was demolished for a ballroom - paid for by donors.

These arenโ€™t acts of benevolence or patriotism.

This is the oligarchy assuming control, insidiously becoming part of how we function.

Every American should reject it.

25.10.2025 02:21 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 32931    ๐Ÿ” 11004    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 1102    ๐Ÿ“Œ 438

Something maybe worth noting is that all the frog costumes and signs and good-natured memeing came about because a wide spectrum of Americans saw someone in direct, brave confrontation with ICEโ€”getting pepperballed and standing their groundโ€”and thought โ€œthatโ€™s awesome. That person is a heroโ€

18.10.2025 22:19 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 13987    ๐Ÿ” 3080    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 0    ๐Ÿ“Œ 0
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#nokings

18.10.2025 15:56 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 9    ๐Ÿ” 3    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 0    ๐Ÿ“Œ 0

Our federal tax dollars are being used to fund a network of government social media accounts that pump out disinformation 24/7. Even during a government shutdown. Itโ€™s definitely not essential work.

18.10.2025 02:15 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 21770    ๐Ÿ” 6319    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 445    ๐Ÿ“Œ 159
Video thumbnail

WATCH: ProPublica obtained records from the Department of Agriculture that detail the 94 million pounds of food, down to the number of eggs, that never reached food banks because of the Trump administrationโ€™s cuts to The Emergency Food Assistance Program.

โžก๏ธ Read more: https://propub.li/4odsKnn

11.10.2025 18:31 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 1845    ๐Ÿ” 1126    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 65    ๐Ÿ“Œ 91
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BREAKING: Friday night massacre underway at CDC. Doznes of "disease detectives," high-level scientists, entire Washington staff and editors of the MMWR (Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report) have all been RIFed and received the following notice:

11.10.2025 02:10 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 15398    ๐Ÿ” 8459    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 853    ๐Ÿ“Œ 1113
A. The Constitution
During the Constitutional Convention of 1787, one topic of hot debate among the
Founders was how to properly scope the federal government's military powers. Indeed, among
the grievances directed against King George Ill by signatories to the Declaration of
Independence was his keeping in Times of Peace, Standing Armies, without the Consent of our Legislatures." Decl. of Independence para. 13 (U.S. 1776). Thus, while the Founders recognized that well-trained soldiers were necessary "for providing for the common defense" of our young nation, they were concerned "that a national standing Army posed an intolerable threat to
individual liberty and to the sovereignty of the separate states." Perpich v. Dept. of Defense, 496
U.S. 334, 340 (1990); see also Reid v. Covert, 354 U.S. 1, 23-24 (1957) ("The Founders
envisioned the army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds."). Further informing some Founders' suspicion of standing armies was the
fact that local militias of individual states had played a vital role in securing the recent victory in
the Revolutionary War. See Frederick Bemays Wiener, The Militia Clause of the Constitution,
54 Harv. L. Rev. 181, 182-83 (1940).
Another concern among some Founders was the extent of the federal government's
powers to deploy federal military forces-including federalized militia-for purposes of general
law enforcement. For instance, in response to a proposal to add language to the Constitution
which would empower the federal government to "call forth the force of the Union" against states that passed laws contravening those of the union, James Madison moved successfully for its removal, opining that such use of force against a state "would look more like a declaration of
war, than an infliction of punishment." Robert W. Coakley, The Role of Federal Military Forces
in Domestic Disorders 1789-1879 8 (citing Max Farrand, The Records of the Federal
Convention,โ€ฆ

A. The Constitution During the Constitutional Convention of 1787, one topic of hot debate among the Founders was how to properly scope the federal government's military powers. Indeed, among the grievances directed against King George Ill by signatories to the Declaration of Independence was his keeping in Times of Peace, Standing Armies, without the Consent of our Legislatures." Decl. of Independence para. 13 (U.S. 1776). Thus, while the Founders recognized that well-trained soldiers were necessary "for providing for the common defense" of our young nation, they were concerned "that a national standing Army posed an intolerable threat to individual liberty and to the sovereignty of the separate states." Perpich v. Dept. of Defense, 496 U.S. 334, 340 (1990); see also Reid v. Covert, 354 U.S. 1, 23-24 (1957) ("The Founders envisioned the army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds."). Further informing some Founders' suspicion of standing armies was the fact that local militias of individual states had played a vital role in securing the recent victory in the Revolutionary War. See Frederick Bemays Wiener, The Militia Clause of the Constitution, 54 Harv. L. Rev. 181, 182-83 (1940). Another concern among some Founders was the extent of the federal government's powers to deploy federal military forces-including federalized militia-for purposes of general law enforcement. For instance, in response to a proposal to add language to the Constitution which would empower the federal government to "call forth the force of the Union" against states that passed laws contravening those of the union, James Madison moved successfully for its removal, opining that such use of force against a state "would look more like a declaration of war, than an infliction of punishment." Robert W. Coakley, The Role of Federal Military Forces in Domestic Disorders 1789-1879 8 (citing Max Farrand, The Records of the Federal Convention,โ€ฆ

come within the idea of an insurrection." Id. at 410. To this, Madison replied that "there might be
riots, to oppose the execution of the laws, which the civil power might not be sufficient to quell."
Id. (emphasis added). Patrick Henry pressed the issue, charging that granting power of "calling
the militia to enforce every execution indiscriminately" would be "unprecedented," and a
"genius of despotism." Id. at 412. To this, Madison noted the "great deal of difference between
calling forth the militia, when a combination is formed to prevent the execution of the laws, and
the sheriff or constable carrying with him a body of militia to execute them in the first instance;
which is a construction not warranted by the [Militia] clause." Id. at 415.
Confronted with such concerns, even federalist proponent Alexander Hamilton rejected
the notion that the militia could enforce domestic law, opining that given "the supposition of a
want of power to require the aid of the POSSE COMITATUS is entirely destitute of colour, it
will follow, that the conclusion which has been drawn from it, in its application to the authority of the federal government over the militia is as uncandid as it is illogical." The Federalist No. 29,
at 188 (Alexander Hamilton) (Jacob Ernest Cooke, ed., 1961). To Hamilton, then, it was nothing
more than an "exaggerated and improbable suggestion]" that the federal government would
command one state's militia to march offensively into the territories of another, given how
assuredly such conduct would invite "detestation" and "universal hatred" by the people of the
would-be usurper. Id. at 186-87.
On September 17, 1787, the U.S. Constitution was ratified. Many of the concerns debated
by the Founders reflect in its contours. Regarding the militia, the Founders chose to vest
Congress-not the Presidentโ€”with constitutional power "to provide for calling forth the Militia
to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions," U.S. Const. aโ€ฆ

come within the idea of an insurrection." Id. at 410. To this, Madison replied that "there might be riots, to oppose the execution of the laws, which the civil power might not be sufficient to quell." Id. (emphasis added). Patrick Henry pressed the issue, charging that granting power of "calling the militia to enforce every execution indiscriminately" would be "unprecedented," and a "genius of despotism." Id. at 412. To this, Madison noted the "great deal of difference between calling forth the militia, when a combination is formed to prevent the execution of the laws, and the sheriff or constable carrying with him a body of militia to execute them in the first instance; which is a construction not warranted by the [Militia] clause." Id. at 415. Confronted with such concerns, even federalist proponent Alexander Hamilton rejected the notion that the militia could enforce domestic law, opining that given "the supposition of a want of power to require the aid of the POSSE COMITATUS is entirely destitute of colour, it will follow, that the conclusion which has been drawn from it, in its application to the authority of the federal government over the militia is as uncandid as it is illogical." The Federalist No. 29, at 188 (Alexander Hamilton) (Jacob Ernest Cooke, ed., 1961). To Hamilton, then, it was nothing more than an "exaggerated and improbable suggestion]" that the federal government would command one state's militia to march offensively into the territories of another, given how assuredly such conduct would invite "detestation" and "universal hatred" by the people of the would-be usurper. Id. at 186-87. On September 17, 1787, the U.S. Constitution was ratified. Many of the concerns debated by the Founders reflect in its contours. Regarding the militia, the Founders chose to vest Congress-not the Presidentโ€”with constitutional power "to provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions," U.S. Const. aโ€ฆ

disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service
of the United States." U.S. Const. art. I, ยง 8, cl. 16. The President, then, would be the
"Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the
several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States." U.S. Const. art. 2, ยง 2,
cl. 1.
That the Framers understood the Calling Forth Clause narrowly can be seen in
Congress's earliest efforts to put the clause into legislative practice. In 1792, Congress enacted
an Act to "provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress
insurrections and repel invasions." Act of May 2, 1792, 1 Stat. 264(1792). In 1795, Congress
repealed the 1792 Act and passed an amended version. Act of February 28, 1795, 1 Stat. 424
(1795). In both versions, Congress authorized the President to call upon the militia in response to
invasion or insurrection without much limitation. But for the President to call forth the militia in
cases where "the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof
obstructed," stricter controls were imposed. Id. Specifically, Congress authorized the calling
forth of militia only when the forces of obstruction were "too powerful to be suppressed by the
ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals" by the Act. Id.
These early efforts demonstrate contemporaneous understanding that military deployment for
purpose of executing the laws was to be an act of last resort, only after other systems had failed.
Beyond the Calling Forth Clause, other Constitutional provisions respond to Founders'
concerns about specters of military overreach. For instance, the Founders chose not to
consolidate control over the nation's standing army and naval forces into a single branch of
federal government. Power to command was vested in the President, U.S. Const. art. II, ยง 2, cl. 1,
but power to actually "declare Warโ€ฆ

disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States." U.S. Const. art. I, ยง 8, cl. 16. The President, then, would be the "Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States." U.S. Const. art. 2, ยง 2, cl. 1. That the Framers understood the Calling Forth Clause narrowly can be seen in Congress's earliest efforts to put the clause into legislative practice. In 1792, Congress enacted an Act to "provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions." Act of May 2, 1792, 1 Stat. 264(1792). In 1795, Congress repealed the 1792 Act and passed an amended version. Act of February 28, 1795, 1 Stat. 424 (1795). In both versions, Congress authorized the President to call upon the militia in response to invasion or insurrection without much limitation. But for the President to call forth the militia in cases where "the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed," stricter controls were imposed. Id. Specifically, Congress authorized the calling forth of militia only when the forces of obstruction were "too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals" by the Act. Id. These early efforts demonstrate contemporaneous understanding that military deployment for purpose of executing the laws was to be an act of last resort, only after other systems had failed. Beyond the Calling Forth Clause, other Constitutional provisions respond to Founders' concerns about specters of military overreach. For instance, the Founders chose not to consolidate control over the nation's standing army and naval forces into a single branch of federal government. Power to command was vested in the President, U.S. Const. art. II, ยง 2, cl. 1, but power to actually "declare Warโ€ฆ

Navy" entrusted to Congress. U.S. Const. art. I, ยง 8, cls. 11-13; see also The Federalist No. 24,
at 153 (Alexander Hamilton) (Jacob Ernest Cooke, ed., 1961) (noting "the whole power of
raising armies was lodged in the legislature, not in the executive") (emphasis in original).
Moreover, two of the Constitution's first ten Amendments articulate safeguards against the
military: the Second Amendment-with its assurance that well-regulated militias would be
prepared and armed to fight for the security of the states-and the Third Amendment, with its
prohibition on quartering of soldiers in times of peace.
Finally, the Constitution and its early amendments also reflect another long-standing
American principle: that the states possess a "residuary and inviolable dual sovereignty." The
Federalist No. 39, at 256 (James Madison) (Jacob Ernest Cooke, ed., 1961); see also Printz v.
United States, 521 U.S. 898, 918 (1997) ("It is incontestible that the Constitution established a
system of 'dual sovereignty"'); Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U.S. 238, 294 (1936) (the
Framers "meant to carve from the general mass of legislative powers, then possessed by the
states, only such portions as it was thought wise to confer upon the federal government"). This
conception is reflected throughout the Constitution's text, but particularly in the Tenth
Amendment, which states that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the
people." U.S. Const. amend. X. These reserved and residuary powers include, among other
things, "the police power, which the Founders denied the National Government and reposed in the States." United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S 598, 618 (2000); see also Patterson v. State of Kentucky, 97 U.S. 501, 503 (1878) (the "power to establish the ordinary regulations of police has been left with the individual States, and cannot be assumed by the national government");
Carteโ€ฆ

Navy" entrusted to Congress. U.S. Const. art. I, ยง 8, cls. 11-13; see also The Federalist No. 24, at 153 (Alexander Hamilton) (Jacob Ernest Cooke, ed., 1961) (noting "the whole power of raising armies was lodged in the legislature, not in the executive") (emphasis in original). Moreover, two of the Constitution's first ten Amendments articulate safeguards against the military: the Second Amendment-with its assurance that well-regulated militias would be prepared and armed to fight for the security of the states-and the Third Amendment, with its prohibition on quartering of soldiers in times of peace. Finally, the Constitution and its early amendments also reflect another long-standing American principle: that the states possess a "residuary and inviolable dual sovereignty." The Federalist No. 39, at 256 (James Madison) (Jacob Ernest Cooke, ed., 1961); see also Printz v. United States, 521 U.S. 898, 918 (1997) ("It is incontestible that the Constitution established a system of 'dual sovereignty"'); Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U.S. 238, 294 (1936) (the Framers "meant to carve from the general mass of legislative powers, then possessed by the states, only such portions as it was thought wise to confer upon the federal government"). This conception is reflected throughout the Constitution's text, but particularly in the Tenth Amendment, which states that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." U.S. Const. amend. X. These reserved and residuary powers include, among other things, "the police power, which the Founders denied the National Government and reposed in the States." United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S 598, 618 (2000); see also Patterson v. State of Kentucky, 97 U.S. 501, 503 (1878) (the "power to establish the ordinary regulations of police has been left with the individual States, and cannot be assumed by the national government"); Carteโ€ฆ

Judge Perry spends four pages going over the history of the debates around the Constitution as to the proper relationship of the President to a state militia, especially after overthrowing the British, who had maintained standing armies in the colonies against their wishes.

11.10.2025 00:29 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 364    ๐Ÿ” 90    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 6    ๐Ÿ“Œ 5

UPDATE: Judge Perry issued an opinion explaining why she blocked the Texas National Guard deployment in Chicago.

She begins with Alexander Hamiltonโ€™s rejection of a โ€œpreposterousโ€ idea that the Constitution lets a President deploy a Stateโ€™s militia to a different State for political retribution. ๐Ÿงต

11.10.2025 00:27 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 2824    ๐Ÿ” 900    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 29    ๐Ÿ“Œ 31
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I feel like this photo of masked, armed men pepper spraying a pastor protecting his community is going to be a defining picture of this moment in America for a long, long time.

07.10.2025 23:29 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 56587    ๐Ÿ” 21248    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 1748    ๐Ÿ“Œ 1259
Lawyer (on left) talks to regime agents before they seize his phone at Terminal C

Lawyer (on left) talks to regime agents before they seize his phone at Terminal C

Regime grabs immigration lawyer's phone at Logan
www.universalhub.com/2025/regime-...
#Boston #lawsuits

03.10.2025 20:24 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 194    ๐Ÿ” 104    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 11    ๐Ÿ“Œ 7
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Judge Sooknanan has some problems with recent โ€œprosecutorial machinationsโ€ in Washington, D.C., cataloguing a list of abuses and excesses she says have exploded in recent weeks ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show...

02.10.2025 02:16 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 706    ๐Ÿ” 257    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 12    ๐Ÿ“Œ 5

Kristi Noem: How DARE you accuse our glorious ICE agents of racial profiling.

Head of the Chicago raids: We are stopping people based on โ€œhow they look, how do they look compared to, say,โ€ a tall, middle aged white guy.

29.09.2025 01:37 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 4483    ๐Ÿ” 1642    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 122    ๐Ÿ“Œ 53
Preview
Exclusive: Federal drug prosecutions fall to lowest level in decades as Trump shifts focus to deportations So far this year, about 10% fewer people have been prosecuted for drug violations compared to the same period of 2024, court records show, a drop of about 1,200 cases and the slowest rate since at least the late 1990s.

Exclusive: So far this year, about 10% fewer people in the US have been prosecuted for federal drug violations compared to 2024, court records show, a drop of about 1,200 cases and the slowest rate since at least the late 1990s reut.rs/46YYyXj

29.09.2025 10:55 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 44    ๐Ÿ” 24    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 13    ๐Ÿ“Œ 2

New on MSNBC: According to the court transcript, only 14 of the 23 grand jurors voted in favor of indicting James Comey on the two counts that went forward.

27.09.2025 02:00 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 3869    ๐Ÿ” 973    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 119    ๐Ÿ“Œ 102
Post image 27.09.2025 09:17 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 110    ๐Ÿ” 31    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 1    ๐Ÿ“Œ 1
Preview
UCs Should Not Release Personal Student and Employee Information In response to news that the University of California administration plans to provide the US Department of Educationโ€™s Office for Civil Rights with personally identifiable information of numerous UC f...

An important letter from @aaup.org to the University of California urging the school not to release personal information of students and faculty to the Trump Administration.

www.aaup.org/news/ucs-sho...

26.09.2025 16:41 โ€” ๐Ÿ‘ 11    ๐Ÿ” 5    ๐Ÿ’ฌ 0    ๐Ÿ“Œ 0

@cotu is following 20 prominent accounts