Voice4Justice

"The stain of this abomination," he wrote, "will forever be on the Jewish people because we have not stopped this. Far too many have been far too silent."

He described the toll of the war in stark terms: the destruction of Gaza's infrastructure, the denial of food and basic necessities, and the forced displacement of civilians.

Some progressive Jewish groups, including Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNow, have long used the term, but Ben-Ami's statement is the most direct acknowledgment from a mainstream communal leader.

Though he previously avoided the label, the statement marks a shift in tone from the head of one of the most prominent liberal Zionist organizations in the U.S.

No other major Jewish group has gone as far in addressing the genocide question.

during which he repeatedly refused to call Israel's actions in Gaza genocide – despite Hasan's pressing and citations of international law.

Ben-Ami's remarks come after nearly two years of war in Gaza and calls for accountability from international legal bodies.

While he said he would likely not use the term himself, he added: "I simply won't defend the indefensible."

This shift comes days after Ben-Ami appeared on Pod Save the World in a debate with journalist Mehdi Hasan, @zeteo.com

"I suspect my struggles resonate with Jews who grew up surrounded by family and friends whose lives were shaped by the Holocaust. On my mother's side, everyone I knew of the older generation had fled, escaped, and survived genocide."

He wrote he had hesitated until now because of the unique weight the word carries for Jewish people – particularly for him, a son of Holocaust survivors.

"Until now, I have tried to deflect and defend when challenged to call this genocide. I have, however, been persuaded rationally by legal and scholarly arguments that international courts will one day find that Israel has broken the international genocide convention."

J Street President Jeremy Ben-Ami wrote on Sunday that Israel's actions in Gaza may meet the legal definition of genocide and that he would no longer dispute those who use the term in a newsletter marking Tisha B'Av.

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How will the Palestinian Authority return to Gaza? The road to the implementation of the two-state solution must go through these questions, too.

While the New York document offers answers to many questions, it leaves many others open: How long will Israel stay in Gaza? Will it be possible to end the Hamas regime in Gaza without general Palestinian and Arab consent?

Hamas' conditions for the demilitarization of the Gaza Strip are a diplomatic solution and an end to the occupation – ambitious goals whose realization is not directly foreseeable in the near future

Although Hamas declaratively insists on its right to bear arms – as it said on Saturday following a statement made by U.S. Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff in support of disarming it – it understands that the demand is unrealistic.

not its cause. Therefore, the goal of removing it from positions of power is not divorced from that context, but part of the process to build a legitimate governing body for Gaza and the West Bank.

The question of the future of Hamas, which Israel still maintains must be defeated, reflects the different attitudes of the sides. Ramallah and the Arab world see Hamas' regime in Gaza as a symptom of the crisis,

Against the backdrop of normalization talks with Israel, Saudi Arabia's support for the principles set forth in the document signals it will not move forward on the normalization efforts between the two countries without an Israeli commitment to implement the two-state solution.

The document presents an operational plan for the day after – something the Israeli government has avoided doing for nearly two years now. It sets a clear path that will eventually end in the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel.

including by Arab states. The Palestinian Authority emphasized the call to advance the two-state solution, end the occupation and for international recognition of a Palestinian State.

Naturally, upon the release of the document, each of the parties opted to focus on the clauses it found most convenient. Israel mostly spoke about the principle of demanding Hamas disarm and the condemnation of the October 7 crimes,

applies to the international community – in particular the United States, Europe and the Gulf States – to recognize a future Palestinian State on the basis of the 1967 lines, including with regard to East Jerusalem.

The New York document also requires Israel to renew its commitment to a two-state solution. The document thereby states that Israel must stop building settlements and allow for territorial contiguity in the West Bank.

The last principle, and perhaps the most crucial one,

However, inside Palestinian society and outside of it, the question of Abbas' commitment to the reforms stands. Many also question whether the measures he agreed to reflect the will of the Palestinian public.

The senior Palestinian official said that Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has declared several times that he is willing to accept the measures, and has even recently announced elections to the Palestinian National Council.

assisted by an international force which will supervise, mediate and help create governmental stability. The Palestinian Authority will also undergo comprehensive reforms and hold general elections in the West Bank and Gaza.