Jacob Edenhofer

Three Share Nobel in Economics for Work on How Technology Drives Growth

Great choices. Love that they paired theorists with an economic historian. www.nytimes.com/2025/10/13/b...

Which also mentions this cool paper by @malpas.bsky.social et al! www.cambridge.org/core/journal...

Après Qui, Le Déluge? We shall repeal the 20th century

Great post by @maiamindel.bsky.social! someunpleasant.substack.com/p/apres-qui-...

„US assistance has contracted at precisely the moment when rising cholera cases require immediate medical response“

Cholera in Africa: Rising Deaths, Shrinking US Aid The United States—long the world’s largest provider of lifesaving assistance and the largest humanitarian donor to many countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa—saw a sharp reversal in early 2025. ...

Quite simply devastating www.cgdev.org/blog/cholera...

The End of Competition in America? Common ownership and the implications for antitrust

Very helpful post! nicholasdecker.substack.com/p/the-end-of...

The Big Beautiful Bill has a SNAP Poison Pill How states will get the blame for massive cuts to food stamps

donmoynihan.substack.com/p/the-big-be...

Very interesting interview with @mkalkuhl.bsky.social!
cepr.org/multimedia/e...

egap.org/resource/bri...

A Long Story Short Media Podcast. Man Up: Conversations on Gendered Hate in the Digital Age with Cynthia Miller-Idriss

Misogyny is a foundational aspect of many forms of hate — but it’s often overlooked, serving as a type of gendered blind spot. The first episode of "Man Up: Conversations on Gendered Hate in the Digital Age" with @milleridriss.bsky.social explores that blind spot through the issue of antisemitism.

I would be in favour -- absolutely one of my heroes

This looks like an excellent analysis of what’s going on in UK #climate politics. It’s truly disheartening, the UK was a lighthouse with its cross-party consensus on climate policy and world-leading institutional setup to enable science-based policy-making. And now it’s falling apart

Maybe also Grossman/Helpman and Rogoff

Hydrocarbon coalitions or electro-state track? India's choices in a new global order Guest post for Phenomenal World's Polycrisis series

open.substack.com/pub/indialog...

What Do The Public Actually Think About Economic Growth, Technological Change and "Abundance"? There's an "anti-growth coalition" and a “pro-growth coalition” out there, it’s just not necessarily the people you think it is

open.substack.com/pub/jamesbre...

shouldn't be brushed aside airily; they have to be weighed carefully against the shift in the probability of averting catastrophes that any given policy can achieve. Trade-offs are a fact of life; denying them often leads to myopic, if well-intentioned, choices.

when these voters have fairly "extreme" preferences [whether that is actually true w.r.t. to climate I don't know].
2. Nevertheless, I think pursuing climate policy against the voters' preferences is a dangerous game, with potentially deleterious effects on democratic stability. These concerns

Your constructive response notwithstanding, let me make two quick points.
1. I didn't defend Badenoch's decision. In fact, normatively, I think it can be problematic that FPTP systems allow small numbers of pivotal voters to exert disproportionate influence on parties' policy platforms, especially

Is Social Media Destroying Democracy—Or Giving It To Us Good And Hard? It’s easier to blame the algorithm than the bewildered herd.

Though-provoking essay www.conspicuouscognition.com/p/is-social-...

analysis of, among others, the CCA and CCC. Scrapping either or both would remove the guardrails just as the UK enters the most treacherous stretch of the road to Net Zero, creating massive political uncertainty.

Indeed — as we say in the paper. But we wanted to be consistent across our cases

See the appendix -- ours is a very restrictive definition, with the objective being to keep the conceptual and empirical analysis clean.

analysis of, among others, the CCA and CCC. Scrapping either or both would remove the guardrails just as the UK enters the most treacherous stretch of the road to Net Zero, creating massive political uncertainty.

advisory bodies were created to establish the equivalent to the UK Climate Change Committee (CCC), which was established as part of the Climate Change Act. The table below summarises results of our (@claudiazwar.bsky.social and @chflachsland.bsky.social) comparative

doesn't mean I agree with her. On the contrary! The UK CCA is an extremely important piece of legislation that has not only served as a robust framework for UK climate policy over the last 15 years or so; it has also engendered institutional diffusion. Quite a few climate osf.io/preprints/so...

with them, Reform's surge in the polls strengthens these voices in the party. To maintain her precarious hold on power, she has to get them on board. Overall, Badenoch’s stance may allienate many voters, but it might still resonate where it counts — inside the party, and in key marginals. This

The Rise of Anti-Net Zero Populism in the UK: Comparing Rhetorical Strategies for Climate Policy Dismantling This article explores a backlash against the net zero greenhouse gas emissions target within the UK. It introduces the term “anti-net zero populism” to analyse ideological and opportunistic counter...

to capture existing parties (Tea Party & GOP; European Research Group during Brexit). The latest vehicle of populist capture is the Net Zero Scrutiny Group, which has reframed climate as a “green elite vs the people” issue. While Badenoch may or may not agree www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

could make electoral sense.
This brings me to the party- or elite-level logic of the announcement. In majoritarian systems, populism tends to emerge within mainstream parties because higher barriers to entry for new parties make it more attractive for populists
bsky.app/profile/fgen...

Public support for decarbonization policies in the UK: exploring regional variations and policy instruments Decarbonization policies require public support to be implemented and to remain in legislation. Examinations of public support for climate policies tend to focus on a small number of policy instrum...

to be lower outside London (Bretter & Schulz 2024). For related work, see also the paper by @patrickbayer.bsky.social and @fgenovese.bsky.social (next tweet). If scepticism toward “costly” Net Zero measures clusters in marginal seats, a tougher line on climate
www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

pivotal voters in swing/marginal constituencies, not the country as a whole. Nationally, most Britons back climate action. But it’s a genuinely open question what specific policies pivotal voters in marginals support — if any. We do know that support for stringent instruments (taxes, bans) tends