wtf i didn't do the cliffhanger on purpose, i meant to say xebb hahaha

^out of those the best point of comparison for stenna < *(i)stānnā must be

i'm honestly not sure, my knowledge of unusual āflexes:

fejda < fāyda, sejjer < sāyir, regular CāyiC reflexes

ilbiraħtlula < l-bāriħat

għex < ʕāš bc of the pharyngeal

xebb < šābb but this could have gone thru intermediate šabb like some dialects have

and in other envs generally ā > ie, a > e

wiktionary definition: Verb ‎ساين • sāyan, III, non-past يساين ysāyan 1. (transitive, intransitive) to wait synonyms: اتسنى tsanna, استنى stanna, سانى sāna, عاين ʕāyin

image of a super saiyan (??)

you know i've never seen it outright but moroccan has a variant sāna سانى that now that you mention it looks suspicious...!

(they also have a form sāyan which im not *super* sure how to derive)

ah shoot and it wasn't even fully regular in that verb form, eg iʔtamara but not *ittamara (the two roots ʔkl ʔxð are just super duper frequent and similar things happened to them for that reason in vernaculars)

Outside these and a few other words, KA /st-/ has undergone complete lexicalization, as in the following verbs, whose roots do not recur elsewhere in KA verbal or nominal classes: (76) KA strax, (p)kyistrix 'to rest' staxa, (p)kyistxi 'to be ashamed' staʕappa, (p)kyistaʕappi 'to embarrass' (< OA ʕyb?) In a few words, /st-/ has contracted to /s-/, probably in keeping with a restriction on postjunctural triadic obstruent clusters, which are altogether rare in this dialect: KA /sxaqqa/ 'he hid himself (cf. KA /xappa/ he hid tr.'), /slakka/ 'he seized' (cf. Aleppo slaqqa, Barthélemy 763; S.E. Anatolian stalqa, yastalqi 'auffangen', Jastrow 1978; 195).

there's even
• maltese stenna~ttenna~tenna "to wait"
• cypriot slakka "to receive, catch" (my dialect stlaʔʔa)
• cypriot sxappa "to hide", typo'd <sxaqqa> below (levantine stxabba although my dialect only has txabba)

hidden lore: arabic has two secret stems ŠtD and ŠtL and they're in like every dialect (at least if u take their strongest soldier, *istaʔannā, as a barometer) but afaik nowhere to be found in standard arabic

only lead i remember is that ge'ez has ŠtL but the semantics are tough to make match up?

perplexingly the only non-s variant of stanna i know of is stenna~ttenna in *malta* of all places where it literally can't be due to standard arabic influence hahaha

in line with matt's example you have arabic *iʔtakala > ittakala, *iʔtaxaða > ittaxaða, although it wasn't universal across all vocab -- iʔti "come!" yields utterance-initial īti (or is it ʔīti?) but not *itti

sorryyy i have to nerd about this one it's from *istaʔannā and it's part of this weird class of verbs (but it just sticks out bc most of these have been "restored" to standardish forms, like tlaqqa, whereas stanna's dropped ʔ means it can't easily be "restored" to tʔanna w only synchronic knowledge)

broken plurals can come in dutch

la"om athawwor; la'om « peut-être », l'expression n'est pas particulière à Hadchîte et au Nord (laqum, dans le Akkâr), elle est connue et employée dans la région de Batroûn; la'om vient probablement de *la-qām, comme lakan de *la-kān.

which is just from law + lā
• why are there no spaces before the exclamation marks in the french translation?

lastly, cool other vocab:

• maʕʕo "with him" not maʕo
• buwwa "her father" and bī "my father", not bayyi
• ʔikltu l-wāwi "the jackal would've eaten him"? feminine wāwi "jackal"? the french translation actually interprets this use of wāwi as plural somehow
• law mənkon "if not for you": < *law ma ʔinnkon, vs popular lawlēkon

i believe it's from a 3ms past crystallization of the verb ʕāwad "to do again" (used similarly to ʕāwed by a palestinian i asked, at least) plus sporadic raising of the final -ad in perhaps the same way that 3fs verbal -at was raised to -et, -it

other things i noticed while doing the alt text for the first post (very therapeutic) (also i forgot to fix up the first image's text but all the important bits are in the last two posts)

• they say ʕāwed "and then"!! i thought it was just my family... this basically pins its range to "all lebanon"

excerpt from the beginning of the story showing a girl's name pronounced ḥannė in one context and ḥannī in another

french translation of that passage showing that fleisch chose to render the name as <Ḥanna> both times

had to double-take at the reference form being sg <ḥatšītė> with -e and pl <ḥtētši> with -i considering they're etymologically the other way (حدشيتي/حتشيتي ج حتاتشة) but it seems like, in the text itself, -e -i are merged and follow the same variation patterns (hell, even imala'd -a does?)

this is more of henri fleisch 1974 études d'arabe dialectal

curiously ḥtētši "Hadchiters" has two things going on -- not only devoicing but also metathesis from *ḥtēšti!

compare the consonants in eg raħbāni pl raħābne "rahbani brother(s)": r-ħ-b-n

but ḥatšītė pl ḥtētši: sg ḥ-t-š-t, pl ḥ-t-t-š(!)

ya htelsi : le sing. est hatsite (nisba) « qui est de Hadchite (حدشيت) »: htetsi vient de *hatatisat. haddait b-: c'est la IIe F. du v. hadi byehda « trouver qqn ou qqc, après

kǟn ᵊfransai̯s mnaʾʾa l-ʿarīši̠ ʾabᵊl ma yiṭlaʿ ʿaš-šai̯r w-žǟye zarzūni ḥadd ṛōsu ləʾe ʿlayya l-mandai̯l w-maraʾ ṭansa naʿme mən ḥadᵈ mənno daʿas ʿaz-zarzūni̠ ʾabb əl-mandai̯l w-ṣarroḫ: yō ʾommi farfūra daḫlek ʾōm ᵊfransai̯s w-ʿǟwed ʾōm loi̯ romans əš-šedyǟʾ wʾallu: wulǟ ʾaḫwai̯t ᵊl-mayyit biʾau̯m! žǟye tfazze͕ʿna b-hal-loi̯l. w-ʿǟwed woṣel əl-ḫūri wəš-šoʿᵒb maʿʿo ṣålla ʿloi̯ w-baḫʰ̮ro̠ wə-ḥməlnē wə-ṭlaʿna ʿåḍ-ḍåi̯ʿå beʾi kam zalmė isǟhrau̯. tēni you̯m əs-sēʿa ʿašra žannəznē w-ḫədnē ʿal-maʾᵊbra. w-bəntu ḥannė maʿ kull zaʿla ʿa buwwa fransai̯s ʾōme͕t u-ʾōle͕t lau̯n: katter ḫai̯rkon yā ḥtētši, lau̯ mənkau̯n ma kont ḥəḍḍai̯t ᵊb-bīʸ wə-kǟnet ʾekᵊltu l-wǟwi. haide ʾoṣṣe͕t ᵊfransai̯s əl-ʾēġa l-mʿattar.

Fransis avait émondé la treille avant de monter au šīr. Un sarment se trouva près de sa tête, sur ce sarment se posa le petit turban. Ṭansa Naʿmé passa à côté et marcha sur le sarment. Le petit turban se redressa. Il s'écria: « O ma mère Farfūra, je t'en prie, Fransis s'est levé! » et puis Romanos Chidiac se mit à lui dire: « Eh donc! fou! le mort pourrait se lever! Tu viens nous faire peur pendant cette nuit! » Et puis le Curé arriva et le peuple avec lui. Il lui fit les prières, les bénédictions d'encens et nous l'avons emporté et nous sommes montés au village. Quelques personnes restèrent pour le veiller. Le lendemain à 10 h., nous avons fait ses funérailles et nous l'avons porté au cimetière. Sa fille Ḥanna, malgré tout son chagrin au sujet de son père, se leva et dit: « Merci! gens de Hadchîte; n'était vous, je n'aurais pu retrouver mon père et les chacals l'auraient mangé. » Voilà l'histoire de Fransis el-Āġa, le pauvre.

broken plurals can come in clutch

the /v/ in pal & south leb ḍivdaʕ "frog" would be debatable if the plural wasn't ḍavādiʕ

likewise ta[m]bal "layabout" pl tanābil or like dangūra "welt" pl danagīr

and i don't think anyone would've noticed Ħadšīt being reanalyzed as Ħatšīt if not for this demonym:

screenshot of wikipedia: Crusader period When the Crusaders occupied Irit, they called it Acref. Açref is a name still commonly used for the village among surrounding Bedouin tribes. the final sentence ("Açref is a name...") is highlighted by me

but you'd need a larger survey of crusader toponyms to be sure ofc

(separately: no clue what this is supposed to mean)

digital excerpt of a paper: [p] and [b]. From Arabic sources mentioning Lebanese place names we can deduce that the fricative of /t/ 1s attested, e.g. Batrūn is attested as bṯrwn, and Mgite is attested as mgyṯh." This feature cannot be other than Aramaic-internal and is not due to Arabic influence. On the other hand, one could argue that the

but! batroun was spelled <bṯrwn> in early arabic sources, hinting at an ~original name baθrūn that also had an interdental

(elie wardini, "some aspects of aramaic as attested in lebanese place names", 2012)

so <botrun> MAY mean that urban lebanese varieties had started to lose interdentals already

my one other crusader fact is that they called the now-demolished galilean village iqrit <acref> but in leb they called batroun <botrun ~ boutron>

the f in acref is bc its original name, certainly its name during the crusades, was ʔiqriθ w/ an interdental whose frication they represented faithfully

others, like tfinge "prank, hoax, false alarm", prob an instance noun from tfinnuk "playing, messing around" (related to fennec as in fennec fox lol)

and last time i asked abt this i heard secondhand reports of tʕiddi "antagonizing" and even the innovated stinni "waiting" as a verbal noun of stanna

less-sure ones:

ħrēm ~ ħrām "blanket" < ʔiħrām (hajj robe): the only witness of the Form IV vn? probably wrong, some dialects even still have Form IV…

tʕinni, tʕinne "diarrhea, ulcerative colitis" < taʕannī "suffering": i *thought* this was the only witness of the Form VI vn but there are actually

levantine lucky singletons:

jinfāṣ "burlap" < chenevas "canvas": only known survival from the old french of the crusaders

xityār, ʔixtyār "elderly man" < ixtiyār "choice": only way we can know what a Form VIII-type verbal noun natively looks like

with turkish akçe, a currency that the ottoman empire used between like the 1300s and 1687 (could be < *qiǧǧe < *ʔaqǧe -- compare liyye "tail fat of a sheep" < arabic ʔalyah), which if true could maybe be compared with (later?) ç > š loans like šaršaf "blanket", šanṭa "bag" to get an end date on ǧ

other than that possibility french /t͡ʃ/ > arabic ǧ is a safe bet. had the french sound been /ʃ/ arabic woulda just used š

on arabic's side i don't know when mainstream syr+leb ǧ started deaffricating but it was naturally much later - a friend on twitter once tentatively identified qižže "piggybank"

im less sympathetic to the technically-possible other idea that it first had č in the levant only to later normalize to today's ǧ, but bc aleppine has lots of turkic č (friend mentioned čākūč "hammer" čarčaf "blanket") i do wanna see if barthélemy has this word just to make sure it's not činfāṣ lol

possible that

1) crusader burlap made it directly to mesopotamia via trade somehow, bypassing the levant, and
2) mesopotamian dialects back then *already* had a phonemic č to accept foreign t͡ʃ with?

if not then the supposed iraqi č in this word may just be a random instance of devoicing from ǧ

i wish i knew more about the history here 🥲 following aslanov 2018 this is the *only* known crusader french term currently in use (barring toponyms?), and it seems like there really ought to be more

but if there aren't more what was it about burlap specifically? and about the iraqi č, is it really

dictionary definition of iraqi arabic جُنْفَاص that also lists چُنْفَاص "chunfas" as a variant

however the plot did thicken right afterwards bc i proceeded to find this on lughatuna

how would iraqi arabic have gotten the č in this word? wouldn't the loan have had to be mediated by levantine dialects, which aren't supposed to have conserved the old french č??