Twitter/X is a story on its own:
π΄ While users have become more Republican
π₯ POSTING has completely transformed: it has moved nearly β50 percentage pointsβ from Democrat-dominated to slightly Republican-leaning.
@leberntzen.bsky.social
Associate Professor, Department of Government, University of Bergen | activism, norms, political violence
Twitter/X is a story on its own:
π΄ While users have become more Republican
π₯ POSTING has completely transformed: it has moved nearly β50 percentage pointsβ from Democrat-dominated to slightly Republican-leaning.
Most young men in Britain, despite popular commentary, are *not* flocking to Reform UK.
Just under 1/3 women would vote for Reform
Just over 1/3 would vote for Reform.
We *cannot* reject the null of gender gap homogeneity across cohorts.
Posting is correlated with affective polarization:
π‘ The most partisan users β those who love their party and despise the other β are more likely to post about politics
π₯ The result? A loud angry minority dominates online politics, which itself can drive polarization (see doi.org/10.1073/pnas...)
π¨ π analysis w/ @turnbulldugarte.com: most British young men reject the far right @ukandeu.bsky.social Despite media claims, 71% of young men & 75% of young women say theyβd never vote Reform UK. The gender gap exists, but itβs steady across agesβnot youth-driven.
π ukandeu.ac.uk/most-british...
Predicted values of support for physical partisan violence by levels of affective polarization (95 percent confidence intervals). N = ~18 000.
Predicted values of support for physical partisan violence by levels of affective polarization (95 percent confidence intervals). N = ~18 000
Levels of support for physical violence and threats against outgroup partisans, sorted by country (95 percent confidence intervals)
New chapter on affective polarization and support for political violence (open access): www.elgaronline.com/edcollchap-o...
11.08.2025 13:59 β π 5 π 2 π¬ 1 π 0Main takeaways: (1) Affective polarization predicts higher support for political violence at extreme levels; (2) its main effect may be expanding opportunity structures for a small subset willing to act violently. US & Brazil show highest risk.
11.08.2025 14:07 β π 2 π 1 π¬ 0 π 0"The Conservatives propose to deport about 5 per cent of the UKβs legal population"
"the Conservative party increasingly holds positions that are further from mainstream British public opinion than Reform"
Now out in Party Politics π
Our study (@jbpilet.bsky.social)suggests that when a mainstream right-wing party signals willingness to rule with the radical right, support for the radical right rises β while the mainstream gains nothing.
π A legitimisation effect.
journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10....
Ezra Klein's suggestion that Dems can win in red states with pro-life candidates is entirely consistent with his theory of the case as to why Democrats are underperforming. But, as @jessicavalenti.bsky.social lays out so clearly here, this is an obvious, objectively nonsensical suggestion. Quick π§΅.
24.09.2025 19:07 β π 39 π 19 π¬ 2 π 6Sadly, there's a lot to be said for Marina Hyde's analysis here. www.theguardian.com/commentisfre...
22.10.2025 07:19 β π 864 π 263 π¬ 37 π 17Social media users adopt the toxic behaviors of ingroup members
An analysis of 7 million tweets from over 700,000 accounts finds that exposures to toxic behavior by ingroup members is the primary driver of contagious toxicity online academic.oup.com/jcmc/article...
See @djnavarro.net blog.djnavarro.net/posts/2025-0...
06.10.2025 20:11 β π 3 π 0 π¬ 0 π 0Agree this is an important question, and there's something to notion that misperceptions about others can drive extreme behavior incl violence ("preemptive" or otherwise). However, these numbers should be heavily qualified. Big lit on fact that humans bad at proportions: www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/...
06.10.2025 20:08 β π 1 π 0 π¬ 1 π 0π’ New publication! π’
Why do ordinary citizens participate in election violence in democracies?
Kathleen Klaus and @meganturnbull.bsky.social argue that such violence is often jointly produced by elites and citizens, enabled by threat-based narratives and social networks that legitimize violence.
See also this post by @djnavarro.net blog.djnavarro.net/posts/2025-0...
28.09.2025 07:51 β π 2 π 0 π¬ 1 π 0I believe this kind of research has a direct bearing here, humans are generally bad at estimating shares but good at ranking (this is more common than that). Good reason to be wary of what this kind of data actually tells us: www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/...
28.09.2025 07:49 β π 6 π 0 π¬ 1 π 0So many echoes from this article for US politics....
27.09.2025 16:43 β π 1060 π 344 π¬ 22 π 44π¨New preprintπ¨
osf.io/preprints/ps...
In a sample of ~2 billion comments, social media discourse becomes more negative over time
Archival and experimental findings suggest this is a byproduct of people trying to differentiate themselves
Led by @hongkai1.bsky.social in his 1st year (!) of his PhD
Against my better instincts, I have written some notes on how human probability judgements work and what you should expect from surveys that ask people to guess what proportion of the population is transgender. I hope never to speak of this matter again
21.09.2025 15:38 β π 195 π 84 π¬ 17 π 27β¨Very happy to see my paper "Attitudinal ambivalence toward multiculturalism" out on @jeppjournal.bsky.social !
www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....
1/8 π§΅
Summary of design and results from our three studies. (A: Design) Each study used a similar experimental design, measuring both positive and negative demand in an online experiment, with three commonly-used task types (dictator game, vignette, intervention). Our experiments had ns β 250 per cell. (B: Results) Observed demand effects were statistically indistinguishable from zero. The plot shows means and 95% confidence intervals for standardized mean differences derived from frequentist analyses of each experiment and an inverse variance-weighted fixed-effect estimator pooling all experiments (solid bars). Prior measurements of experimenter demand from a previous dictator game experiment (de Quidt et al., 2018; standardized mean difference from regression coefficient) and a meta-analysis primarily including small-sample, in-person studies (Coles et al., 2025; Hedgeβs g statistic) are also shown for comparison (striped bars). The main text includes Bayesian analyses that quantify our uncertainty.
We often hear from reviewers: "what about demand effects?" So we developed a method to eliminate them. Something weird happened during testing: We couldnβt detect demand effects in the first place! (1/8)
15.09.2025 17:18 β π 85 π 40 π¬ 3 π 6Shot, chaser
Young men more likely to vote Green than Reform. Young men second most progressive group of any demographic. Combined right-wing vote barely bigger than Green vote alone for young men
Radical right accommodation really does not work.
New paper out with this exceptionally talented team
@katharinalawall.bsky.social @robjohns75.bsky.social @drjennings.bsky.social @sarahobolt.bsky.social @zachdickson.bsky.social @danjdevine.bsky.social & @jack-bailey.co.uk
doi.org/10.31235/osf...
Weimar "illustrates the dangerous logic of abdication: the belief that, faced with a rising threat to democracy, surrender is strategy, cooperating with an autocrat is survival, and sparing oneself or oneβs party from immediate punishment is worth opening the door to long-term authoritarian rule"
28.08.2025 16:57 β π 320 π 138 π¬ 7 π 12Too weird not to be true? :p
19.08.2025 18:32 β π 1 π 0 π¬ 0 π 0Lol
19.08.2025 18:25 β π 0 π 0 π¬ 0 π 0Sketch - this guy is loosely inspired by packet of crumpled McDonalds fries someone had tossed away in the woods ;)
11.08.2025 14:57 β π 1 π 0 π¬ 0 π 0Main takeaways: (1) Affective polarization predicts higher support for political violence at extreme levels; (2) its main effect may be expanding opportunity structures for a small subset willing to act violently. US & Brazil show highest risk.
11.08.2025 14:07 β π 2 π 1 π¬ 0 π 0Predicted values of support for physical partisan violence by levels of affective polarization (95 percent confidence intervals). N = ~18 000.
Predicted values of support for physical partisan violence by levels of affective polarization (95 percent confidence intervals). N = ~18 000
Levels of support for physical violence and threats against outgroup partisans, sorted by country (95 percent confidence intervals)
New chapter on affective polarization and support for political violence (open access): www.elgaronline.com/edcollchap-o...
11.08.2025 13:59 β π 5 π 2 π¬ 1 π 0Survey results showing answers to questions about "basic orientation toward acceptable of guilt and responsibility" and "other attitudes relevant to reconstruction and rehabilitation of Germany. Highlights include (Berlin responses only) 70% saying all Germans were NOT responsible, and 59% saying the Nazi regime bears responsibility for the war, 47% saying guilt lay with the leaders, not the little people, and 35% saying individuals should always obey orders of the state without question. 44% agreed that "National Socialism was a good idea, badly carried out" not a bad idea (full wording not shown on this page, but found in report)
Just looking at surveys of Germans in Berlin during the Nuremberg trials on their attitudes about the Nazi party, no reason
First column American Zone, second column Berlin